The
Ukrainian army has recaptured most of Red Army City and destroyed Russia’s
elite 76th Guards Division. Putin’s order to seize Red Army City as a
bargaining chip has once again failed—this time under the premise that Trump
has completely withdrawn from NATO and stopped aiding Ukraine. Meanwhile,
European countries bordering Russia, including the Baltic states, Sweden, and
Finland, have openly declared plans to build forces that would directly fight
Russia if Ukraine were defeated. Britain, France, and Germany are also
attempting to bypass the EU and deploy troops into Ukraine, with the stated
condition of avoiding direct clashes with Russian forces. Yet since the war
began, such conditions have proven illusory, serving only to buy time while
gradually implementing intervention. From a broader perspective, even without
U.S. support, as long as Europe establishes a reliable support mechanism,
Ukraine can continue the war—at least until the U.S. midterm elections, when
American politics may shift.
Currently,
neither side has the ability to annihilate the other militarily. Ukraine has
been under nationwide military mobilization for four years, steadily
strengthening its capabilities. Russia, by contrast, has no better option than
attritional warfare, maintaining a stalemated front line. Over four years,
Russian forces have suffered massive losses in personnel, equipment,
ammunition, logistics, and supplies, while enduring Ukrainian raids and
relentless international sanctions. Ukraine has already struck Russia’s energy
facilities across the board and now targets civilian infrastructure and
transport hubs. Russia’s economy is increasingly strained, with energy exports
slashed and revenues plummeting. Yet the basic funding for war continues thanks
to Chinese support. In short, as long as China provides lifelines, Russia can
keep fighting until the international situation changes. As long as the war
persists, the West cannot fully pressure China, since Western economies remain
deeply tied to China. Trump’s trade war has already failed, leaving China in a
position of advantage. Moreover, under Trump’s global pressure, many U.S.
allies hedge their bets, cooperating with China to offset American influence.
America’s
explicit refusal to support Ukraine is effectively a withdrawal from NATO,
reducing its influence in Europe and weakening its global posture. This
indirectly boosts China’s leverage, strengthened by the trade war outcome. For
Europe, supporting Ukraine to wear down Russia is the obvious path. Putin, now
in his seventies, cannot sustain a decade‑long war like Afghanistan;
another five years would likely exhaust both Russia and Putin. Meanwhile, China’s internal environment is also
shifting. Trump’s collusion with Russia has triggered backlash at home. If U.S.
military aid is cut off, the biggest losers will be American arms
manufacturers. For four years, Western defense industries have operated around
the clock, producing nonstop. To sustain the front, Europe and the wider world
have scoured for ammunition. If the war drags on for several more years,
Western defense industries will return to Cold War levels. At that point, even
if Russia wanted to stop, it would be difficult.
Russia
and Putin are gambling with national destiny. For Putin, whether he can endure
or not—even considering nuclear options—defeat would mean certain death and
Russia’s disintegration. Thus, securing a relatively dignified ceasefire
agreement through Trump’s help is crucial, though Trump’s time is limited.
Everything now hinges on Russia’s battlefield performance. Yet the Russian army
falls far short of its reputation as the world’s second‑strongest military. It can only
keep filling the front lines with troops, relying on sheer numbers to launch
meaningless tactical assaults, hoping to blunt Ukraine’s advantages.
Maintaining the current front and achieving symbolic victories—such as Bakhmut
before and Red Army City now—would strengthen Russia’s bargaining position. But
so far, these attempts have failed.
For
Putin, prolonging the war itself is victory. Trump’s withdrawal means Russia
only needs to confront Europe, and historically Russia has had many ways to
deal with Europe. Thus, Putin is not entirely disadvantaged. If Europe descends
into full‑scale
war while America stands aside, Russia might even turn the tide—especially with nuclear options
and Trump’s government as external support. For Ukraine, rushing to
reclaim territory and win outright may not be the best strategy. Instead,
gradual attrition across all fronts—military, morale, energy, transport,
defense industry, civilian infrastructure, industrial base, and agriculture—is
wiser. Militarily, Ukraine should avoid reckless offensives. This “boiling
frog” approach, sustained for another four years, could produce decisive
change. Ukraine is shifting from pure military strikes to comprehensive attrition,
combining fighting and negotiating, alternating between talks and battles, to
prolong the war indefinitely.
Once
Russia’s resources are completely exhausted, Ukraine can unite with the EU to
launch a decisive counteroffensive, finally resolving Europe’s peace and
security dilemma. As for Trump, it seems Abe has been waiting for him for quite
some time.

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