2026年7月21日 星期二
周星馳《功夫女足》完全是爲了還債的國產爛片
星爺沉寂多年后的《功夫女足》上映，雖然毀譽參半但票房大收，基本上超過12億就是净賺，甚至有央視出來背書，正值世界杯開打如火如荼，中國足球暗黑沉淪無數載，自然要藉助星爺電影造一番聲勢，緩解球迷怨氣大外宣中國文化。
此片實際上是改編星爺早年為日本監製的一套電視劇，名稱類似功夫少女，但此片不爲人所知。他當年拍《少林足球》風靡全球，但在中國卻不能上畫，主要原因是釋永信告他侵權，不能單獨使用少林商標，而且得到高層李長春的支持，但星爺不肯就範，寧願放棄中國市場也不改電影名稱。所謂《功夫女足》就是《少林足球》和《功夫》的夾雜女性版本，星爺在疫情期間由於電影不能上映，輸掉國内影視公司對賭協議，最後不得不抵押房產給花旗銀行套現，現在疫情過去許久，他想利用早年名片餘威，稍加改動后賺取商業利益還債。不做任何宣傳的原因是預算有限成本巨大，必須將利潤最大化，何況還有當年經典舊片的加持，周星馳的巨大影響力和屢試不爽的所謂情懷票房。
電影就是老舊版本的拉雜翻拍，内容，橋段，特技，笑點等談不上新意，況且他自己還不出演，搭檔吳孟達斯人已逝，電影裏沒有香港演員，都是大陸式樣的惡搞演出。星爺電影必須由他出演，不是他演的就不能算星爺電影，沒有香港演員出演的就不算港產片，連港產片都不算的根本就不是無厘頭，自然也稱不上星爺風格，不是星爺風格的喜劇，基本上算爛片也不爲過。星爺導演的電影多數票房尚可但質量欠佳，他作爲喜劇演員天才橫溢無出其右，但作爲導演只能算水準中下。所以，《功夫女足》不看也知道是垃圾商業片。
所謂“無厘頭喜劇風格”對於大陸人新奇，但在香港從早年粵語片時代的梁醒波，新馬仔，鄧寄塵，到星爺同期的張衛健，林敏聰等，都是無厘頭的鼻祖級人物，而且多數香港演員都能演出無厘頭風格的電影，最大的特色和精髓是“不著邊際”。這不是大陸電影學院所謂學院派演員，在學習過時蘇聯戲劇理論和表演方法后，能夠揣摩掌握的演技。所以，表現在電影裏包括《功夫女足》，最後只能是擠眉弄眼誇張扭曲表情下的所謂“硬滑稽”。無厘頭的表演需要語言襯托下帶出節凑，而且大陸演員最大的問題是不懂香港風格的廣東話，不能掌握語言節奏。
況且本來國内人瞭解的星爺電影，與廣東話正版的香港電影反應出來的笑點完全不同，國内人看的是配音版本的周星馳電影，不是周本人的電影，國内人根本不懂無厘頭，無厘頭是亂中有序和無中生有。無厘頭風格早年在香港也不受落，無厘頭一詞也不能算好話，跟狗五搭八差不多，就是胡説八道亂來的意思。星爺靠此風格大紅大紫，得益於向氏家族的包裝，他也不是無厘頭的開創者而是借鑒者。運用了大量粵語片的技巧，甚至他的風格也是與張衛健合拍電視劇后相互切磋形成的。
現在香港電影所謂港產片的碩果僅存的代表人物是黃子華和古天樂，星爺從《功夫女足》來看他已經放棄港產片更貼近大陸市場。在97后由於衆所周知的原因港產片消亡，出現了所謂中港臺聯合拍攝的所謂“大中華電影”，這種製作龐大不倫不類的所謂大片，有票房但對於觀衆的吸引感染力不大。現在中國電影分“港圈”和“京圈”兩大體系，即大陸電影和香港電影，現在京圈已經隨著大陸過度發行貨幣引導的，虛假繁榮的破滅而曲終人散。馮小剛，華誼兄弟等依靠作家王朔“痞子文學”興起的賀歲電影，以及隨之興起的大製作已經消亡。年輕人對於所謂大院子弟，文革情懷的紅衛兵影視哲學，已經很難理解，所謂京圈已徹底消亡。
港圈受到電影市道的影響也早已衰落，過早放棄本地市場投入大中華圈，消耗掉了港產片的底氣。香港本地流行文化作爲東南亞的文化中心，現在其代表的港產片也已衰敗不堪，周星馳作爲曾經的領軍人物，也被大陸市場所同化。周星馳已經老去，隨著年齡的增長，他已經從星仔成，爲真正的星爺。港產片如果想要生存下去，還是要製作原汁原味的香港電影，對於内地還是海外的觀衆，關注的始終是原產原創的香港電影，而非所謂大中華爛片。香港作爲多年的東方好萊塢，畢竟還是有深厚的電影資源，各類人才和國際影響力。雖然整體衰敗形勢不可避免，但或許還能在跌落的過程中找到新路，正如過往歷史中多次沒落時，又能重現生機一樣。
Trump has finally realized that his strike on Iran was like stepping on his rival’s dog shit
The U.S. and Iran have
resumed fighting, nullifying the previously signed ceasefire agreement.
Ironically, Trump had promised $300 billion in reconstruction aid to Iran to
secure the ceasefire, yet the agreement was almost identical to Obama’s earlier
deal. In reality, Iran could never smoothly obtain such compensation, since all
payments would be U.S.-controlled, even requiring Iran to cede part of its
sovereignty. For example, future oil must be extracted by American companies
and priced in dollars—something China, Iran’s main backer, would never accept.
Iran’s economy is entirely dependent on China, with most oil exports going
there. In short, Iran’s current government survives thanks to China, enduring
multiple U.S.-Israeli military strikes without collapsing, even forcing
Washington to make concessions for a ceasefire.
The Russia-Ukraine war
ties down NATO in Europe, while the Iran conflict bogs down the U.S. With these
two strategic levers, the West has no capacity to launch trade wars or other
major offensives against China. Trump, after a lucky strike in Venezuela, tried
to replicate a decapitation operation in Iran, but was dragged into a Gulf war
by Israel. Whether America can control the Strait of Hormuz or resolve the Iran
issue is doubtful—the conclusion is that it cannot. To truly defeat Iran would
require ground troops and full occupation, something the current U.S.
administration cannot commit to. Controlling Hormuz demands massive military
investment, costly and time-consuming. By contrast, Iran can cheaply disrupt
oil tankers with drones, missiles, or mines, and the U.S. cannot fully prevent
it.
American strikes on
Iranian military targets have had little effect. Tens of thousands of sites
were hit at the start, many officials killed, yet the government remains intact
and local militias unaffected. Trump even declared there were no valuable targets
left, claiming Iran’s navy and air force destroyed. Yet Iran still attacks U.S.
allies, damaging military, energy, and civilian infrastructure, inflicting
casualties. With Iran’s vast territory, large population, and strong military,
only ground operations could clear resistance—yet that would trigger a long
war, trapping the U.S. as in Iraq and Afghanistan. Iran knows America’s
weakness: it cannot commit to a full-scale ground war, and airstrikes alone
cannot topple the regime.
By threatening Hormuz
and sparking an energy crisis, Iran forces U.S. concessions. Tehran’s bottom
line for ceasefire is simple: regime survival and war compensation. Domestic
unrest has been suppressed, removing Washington’s pretext for strikes, and the
nuclear issue remains unresolved. Iran’s strategy—guided by China—is asymmetric
warfare: “You bomb my country, I hit your vital points; you strike my nuclear
sites, I strike Hormuz; you hit my military, I hit your allies.” This is
essentially Maoist military philosophy: “You fight your war, I fight mine.”
Trump is now on the
defensive. His decapitation strikes fragmented Iran’s leadership, leaving no
central figure to negotiate with. Protecting Hormuz is essential, but coalition
action takes time, and current U.S. operations are mostly posturing. His attempt
to replicate Venezuela failed, and withdrawal from the Middle East is now
difficult. As a result, his midterm election prospects are precarious. His
recent rhetoric against communist regimes only highlights that his rash attack
on Iran was a strategic blunder, playing into his rivals’ hands.
特朗普總算看出來草率打擊伊朗是踩到競爭對手的“狗屎雷”了
美伊重新開打，之前草簽的停火協議作廢，諷刺的是特朗普之前為達成停火，居然答應提供伊朗3千億美金重建，而且協議內容與當年奧巴馬的別無二致。美國的賠償金伊朗根本不可能順利得到，所有賠償都需要由美國主導，伊朗甚至要出讓部份主權。單就今後的石油必須美國公司開采美元計價，伊朗背後的大金主中國怎麽會同意。伊朗經濟完全依賴中國，石油絕大多數出口中國，簡而言之伊朗現政府由中國維繫，撐過了美以的多輪軍事打擊而沒有倒臺，甚至逼迫美國為達成停火不得不做出讓步。
俄烏戰爭拖住歐洲北約，伊朗戰爭卡住美國，只要兩大戰略籌碼在手，歐美根本沒有能力發動包括貿易戰在內，任何對中國的打擊行動，所謂切割就更談不上了。特朗普在委內瑞拉僥幸得手後，想在伊朗成功複製斬首行動，結果被以色列挾制已捲入海灣戰爭。美國是否有能力控制霍爾木茲海峽，是否有能力徹底解決伊朗問題，結論是美國完全做不到。徹底解決伊朗只有出動地面部隊全面清剿占領，美國本屆政府沒有能力進入全面戰爭。控制霍爾木茲海峽需要投入巨大軍事力量，代價大效率低時間長，相反對於伊朗只要對海峽內油輪進行無人機，導彈，水雷等的特種攻擊代價很小，而且美軍完全沒有能力徹底杜絕。
現在美國打擊多處伊朗軍事目標作用不大，開戰初上萬処伊朗目標被攻擊，大量高管高官被斬首，伊朗政府依舊存在，而且地方武裝力量根本沒有受到影響。特朗普甚至宣佈已經沒有價值目標可供打擊，伊朗海空軍已被消滅。但至今伊朗仍有能力攻擊美國盟友，周邊國家的軍事，能源，民生等設施，造成大量損失甚至美軍傷亡也在大幅增加。伊朗國土面積廣大人口衆多，軍事力量在中東地區排名前列，不出動地面部隊根本無法清繳，如果出動則引發長期戰爭，美軍如同在伊拉克和阿富汗將陷入戰爭泥潭。伊朗早就是知道美國死穴，不可能出動地面部隊，不可能陷入長期戰爭，沒有能力發動全面戰爭，空襲不能摧毀政權。
只要控制打擊霍爾木茲海峽引發能源危機打擊全球經濟，美國就不得不最終讓步。伊朗對於全面停火的底綫無非是兩條，保證伊朗政權生存和進行戰爭賠償。伊朗內部的民亂已被政府撲滅，美國打擊伊朗的藉口已不存在，況且美國至今也沒能徹底解決伊朗核問題。伊朗軍事打擊美國中東地區盟友，集中打擊霍爾木茲海峽，成本低，效率高，成果顯著。伊朗應對美國的戰略手段完全是中國指導下超限戰，“你打我全國，我打你要害；你打核武設施，我打霍爾木茲海峽；你打我軍事目標，我打你周邊盟友”。這就是所謂“你打你的戰爭，我打我的戰爭”，早年毛澤東軍事哲學思想的內容。
現在特朗普局面被動，對伊朗大面積的斬首行動，甚至導致伊朗政權的去中心化，找不到最高領袖談判。保護霍爾木茲海峽安全勢在必行，聯合中東國家發動軍事行動需要時間，現在的軍事行動是虛張聲勢。特朗普仿效委內瑞拉軍事行動失敗，現在想從中東撤離非常困難。如此他的中期選舉形勢岌岌可危，近日發動打壓共產極權政府的言論，無非是説明他現在總算看出來草率打擊伊朗，其實是上了競爭對手的大當！
2026 Chaotic World Cup: Argentina’s Hooligan Football Crushed as Spain’s New Possession Style Rises
The 2026 World Cup has come to an end. With the expansion to 48
teams, the tournament produced too many low-quality matches and dragged on for
more than 40 days. In the end, it was still the top four ranked teams in the
world competing for the title. Spain proved superior, crushing Argentina to
claim the championship.
Spain’s possession-based style of play has been heavily criticized in recent years: too many sideways and backward passes, low efficiency, no effective shots, and an inability to break down defenses. Instead, it drained their own stamina. Many teams imitated Spain’s tiki-taka, losing their traditional strengths and ending up with sterile possession. At this World Cup, traditional powers like Germany, the Netherlands, and Brazil all fell short. The so-called Samba football, iron-blood football, and total football have all faded. In today’s industrialized, highly professionalized football, individual flair is lost, and team traditions have disappeared. Brazil’s performance was no better than a mid-table La Liga side, Germany looked like a relegation-threatened Premier League team, and Argentina was one of the few sides still retaining some identity.
Early Spanish tiki-taka required two conditions: a generation of players raised together with superb technique and chemistry, and—most importantly—having a genius like Messi. The idea was to wear down opponents with endless passing, waiting for defensive lapses to strike. Spain popularized this “tiki-taka,” and it spread worldwide, even excessively. But there is only one Messi. After his retirement, Spain lost its edge. The weaknesses of possession football became clear: opponents could sit deep and counterattack, exploiting gaps. Against a compact defense, tiki-taka was ineffective. Endless passing failed to tire opponents or create openings, often backfiring. Many matches saw teams dominate possession but lose. In fact, this style resembled Brazil’s old habit of recycling the ball in defense before launching sudden attacks—just moved further upfield.
Pep Guardiola amplified tiki-taka globally, dominating the Premier League for a decade. But in recent years, his tactics have been countered. He shifted toward speed and efficiency, emphasizing pressing and quick transitions. In decisive matches this season, Manchester City under him no longer relied on pure possession. Guardiola’s success was also built on resources—he always coached elite clubs with vast capital, talent, and technology. If he were at Espanyol, West Ham, or Cologne, his achievements would be modest. His system football consumed players’ creativity, making matches mechanical and homogenized. This sameness was evident at the World Cup.
Spain’s triumph came because they corrected the flaws of old tiki-taka. Their new “possession 2.0” was aggressive: passing to stretch defenses, then piercing with runs and through balls, quickly creating shots. After losing the ball, they pressed immediately—blocking passing lanes, covering, doubling up, fouling tactically—denying opponents any buildup. Once regaining possession, they attacked relentlessly. Players like Maya and Nico Williams constantly drove into the flanks, shooting, passing, and forcing fouls, exhausting France and Argentina. This aggressive possession overwhelmed opponents. Even Messi’s
brilliance was nullified; Spain’s collective system rendered him ineffective.
Argentina’s Messi-centric individualism is outdated. They stumbled into the final through grit, luck, and external factors. Street football tactics—rough play, testing referees’ limits, provoking opponents into conflict, then countering—reflect Argentina’s national character. Historically, Argentina was once among the richest nations, a white-majority society, and flirted with fascism. But industrialization brought decline, leaving the country struggling. Instead of adapting, Argentina clung to past glory, self-important and resistant to change. Their football mirrored this: rough, complaint-driven, overly reliant on individual talent. With Maradona gone and Messi aging, the next genius is uncertain. In the final, Argentina was pinned back, unable to muster a shot. Spain’s advanced collective style crushed their street football individualism. Messi’s “walking football” required teammates to feed him, but he didn’t defend, leaving Argentina short-handed. Spain didn’t even man-mark him—just rotated coverage around him. Even a genius was powerless. Spain made Argentina look amateurish.
This World Cup broke records: number of teams, number of matches, number of controversies. Misjudgments were rampant, even presidents intervened in cards. Tickets were expensive, matches fragmented, hosted across multiple countries, creating chaos. Was it necessary to expand so much, lowering quality and lengthening the schedule? Rumor has it the next edition may expand further. The World Cup is more popular than the Olympics, generating immense profit. This edition even had Trump stealing the spotlight, debating whether the sport should be called “soccer” or “football.” At least by the next tournament, he’ll be out of office.
2026混亂世界杯阿根廷流氓足球完敗西班牙新派傳控崛起
2026年世界盃曲終人散，由於增加到48隊，導致質量不高的比賽數量過多，整整打了40多天之久，最後還是由世界排名前4的球隊爭冠，西班牙技高一籌，碾壓阿根廷力拔頭籌。西班牙的傳控踢法近年飽受爭議，橫傳回傳過多效率低下，不能形成有效射門，不能通過傳控撕開對方防綫，反而空耗己方體力。衆多球隊在一味模仿西班牙傳控打法的情況下，己隊的傳統優勢喪失，空有控球得勢不得分，在本屆世界盃如德國，荷蘭，巴西等傳統強隊，都惜敗出局。所謂桑巴足球，鐵血足球，全攻全守等等風格，在工業足球高度專業化一體化的規範下，球員的個人風格喪失，球隊的傳統打法和特點也消失殆盡，巴西隊的整體表現與西甲卡利亞裏也不遑多讓，德國不比英超降班的狼隊好多少，阿根廷隊已經算是保留特點的少量球隊之一。
早期西班牙傳控踢法需要兩個條件，有一班從小訓練長大配合默契，腳法好技術出衆的球員作保障，更重要的一點也是其他球隊所不具備的，就是擁有天才梅斯。所謂“踢踏足球”不斷通過傳球消耗對方體能，找出防守漏洞突破得分的踢法，通過西班牙發揚光大，在全世界範圍內被效仿，甚至到了汎濫的地步。問題是世界上只有一個梅斯，隨著球員的退役，西班牙在過往十多年也沒能保住優勢。相反傳控打法的短板不斷顯露，對方只要低位防守打反擊，很容易抓住空隙得分，傳控遇到鐵桶陣幾乎無解，過度傳球遇到防守好的球隊，根本不能消耗對方體力，也不能撕扯開防綫形成有效射門，最後的結果適得其反。控球佔絕對優勢卻輸掉比賽的例子屢見不鮮。況且這種打法無非是早年巴西隊，反復在中後場倒腳，等對方鬆懈時發動突襲很相似，不過是將倒腳從中後場推到前場。
這種打法通過哥迪奧拉發揚光大興盛全球，他在英超稱霸10年之久奪冠無數，但近年這種戰術遭到破解，開始改變戰術強調速度和效率，通過前場逼搶破壞對方防守，然後快速轉換反擊得分。在本賽季英超決勝階段與強隊的比賽，曼城在他麾下已經完全看不到所謂的傳控打法。哥帥雖然名揚天下但他的成功依靠的是背後的資本，他都是在頂級聯賽的頂級球隊執教，資金球員科技等各種資源應有盡有，如果讓他去執教愛斯賓奴，維斯鹹，科隆等，估計成就也不過如此。況且他的體系足球和位置足球，嚴重消耗了球員的個人天賦和才華，使得比賽程式化機械化，導致近年足球比賽風格同質化嚴重，各隊打法相似傳統風格喪失，在本屆世界盃中體現尤爲明顯。
現在的西班牙隊所以奪冠在半決賽和決賽碾壓對手，正是矯正了以往傳控踢法的錯誤之處，現在是進攻性傳控，傳控的目的是不斷拉扯對方防綫，尋找進攻機會，稍有空擋球員就堅決突破穿插，不斷打身後出直綫球，突破對方防守後快速形成射門機會。前場失球後就地反搶，遮綫，補位，包夾，斷球，戰術犯規，不讓對方組織有效進攻，得球後立刻通過進攻性傳控壓迫對手。比賽中瑪雅和尼哥威廉斯等球員，不斷衝擊對方禁區兩肋，射門，傳球，突破，逼迫對方犯規，導致法國和阿根廷疲於奔命，不能發起有效進攻完敗。所以現在的西班牙踢的是傳控2.0版，即便阿根廷有梅斯個人能力再強，遇到西班牙的整體提法也是枉然。
阿根廷的個人主義圍繞梅斯的踢法已經過時，一路磕磕絆絆多次靠意志和拼勁，還有場外因素才進入決賽，畢竟梅斯是傳奇票房保證。阿根廷街頭足球的踢法粗野依靠個人能力，不斷試探裁判底綫後採取犯規手段，不斷挑逗對方球員形成衝突，然後趁亂反擊得分。阿根廷隊的踢法與其國民性關係甚大，曾經是19世紀末的世界最富裕國家，美洲唯一的單一民族白人國家，二戰時的法西斯種族主義國家，曾經擁有“象阿根廷人那樣富有“美譽的農牧業國家，在工業化來臨後迅速衰落，衰落成爲發展中國家，而且常年政策混亂，導致民生困苦經濟凋敝，然後過往的輝煌揮之不去，不但不去反思改變思路迎合國際潮流，相反卻自以爲是固步自封，以歐洲國家自居白人種族主義優先。阿根廷人提法粗野，喜歡抱怨幹擾比賽，踢法過度強調個人能力。馬拉多納已死，梅斯老去，下一個天才何時再來，托起阿根廷的足球輝煌。
決賽阿根廷被西班牙壓制得全場沒有形成射門，龜縮半場被動挨打，如果不是體能經過多場比賽消耗，西班牙早就在90分鐘內擊敗阿根廷，根本就是先進整體打法傳控新版本，碾壓阿根廷街頭個人主義足球。梅斯走路踢法需要隊員傳送，他不參加防守阿根廷連前場逼搶都做不到，防守少打一人，進攻又被限制。梅斯全場隱形，對方沒有專門盯防，但只是輪流在梅斯周圍佈防，即便是天才也無能爲力。西班牙使得對方的戰術看起來如同業餘球隊。
本屆世界盃創紀錄的參賽球隊，創紀綠的比賽，創紀綠的各種誤判，創紀綠的場外因素不斷，居然還有總統出面幹預紅黃牌的情況發生。球票昂貴，比賽切分，多國組辦，各種混亂，是否真有必要如此多隊伍比賽，降低比賽質量，賽期過長，轉播時間惡劣。據説下屆還有可能增加隊伍，世界盃足球比奧運會更受歡迎，更能賺取經濟利益無疑。本屆世界盃還有特朗普的例行搶鏡，甚至還要定名足球到底是Soccer，還是應該叫Football。不過至少下屆他已經下臺了！
2026年7月20日 星期一
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